Central is the home of violence; they hold the greatest number of murders per 100000 members of their population. Historically, these countries have been of an absolute misunderstanding on a wide range of successive things. Guatemala, El Salvador, and Honduras all underwent transitions from authoritarian regimes and have become equally violent, of all the countries Nicaragua from the traditional dictatorship regime, is the only country with significantly lower levels of crime rate because they have transformed to state better security institutions, their state institution work better. Their political condition is better than the others. The homicide rates of Guatemala, El Salvador, and Honduras amongst 100000 of their population is averaged between 40 to 78 people, which is highest in Honduras (Cruz, 2011). Costa Rica and Nicaragua record lower rates of 10 to 14 people. Honduras is the only country with four times a greater number of street gang membership then the following country at 500 members per 100000 people in their population.
Transformations of institutions of security within the Central America region is one of the guaranteed cures to the violent acts in the countries. Extensive construction of the rule of law enforcement institution, a transparent electoral process. States should strive to eliminate internal wars and bring peace to reduce acts of violence and crimes in their nations. The military rule to the civilian regime is what mostly changed the crime and violence to higher levels in parts of Central America (Cruz, 2011). The transitions in Central America have never made a difference to the crime rates, making them questionable. Reforms of the security institutions have been unprogressive in Guatemala, El Salvador, and Honduras. It’s only in Nicaragua that the institutions have yielded improved levels of public security as an outcome of their different approach.
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Cruz, J. M. (December 01, 2011). Criminal Violence and Democratization in Central America: The Survival of the Violent State. Latin American Politics and Society, 53, 4, 1-33.
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